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How to turn Iran‘s protests into an era defining event for the Middle East

Last year, Israeli and US operations jointly neutralized Iran‘s nuclear program, diminished the regime‘s ballistic missile capabilities, took out the highest echelons of the country’s military and scientific leadership and removed all air defense obstacles that might’ve impeded that operation or any future military strike in the near term.

At that point, I was arguing for a prolonged series of surgical strikes to not only break the regime‘s military back but to aim for the corrosion of its internal security organs, the IRGC, the morality police, the cyber police and the Basij, a paramilitary militia that specializes in the brutal suppression of protests. This in turn, was supposed to enable large scale protests to remove Ali Khamenei, his sinister retinue of fanatics as well as the theocratic system itself.

While Israel did take advantage of the 12 day war to hit internal security nodes in Tehran, these attacks fell short of any sustained and vigorous attempt to dislodge the Mullah regime from power. The strikes were clearly secondary to the goal of destroying Iran‘s nuclear program but Israel might’ve been willing to exploit that historic window of opportunity to topple the regime had the Trump administration not cut short the 12 day war by announcing a premature cessation of military operations.

Despite the disappointing reticence in the face of a monumental strategic opportunity, I felt reassured by my faith and confidence in the Iranian people who have demonstrated again and again that they’re willing to risk their remaining material possessions, their physical freedom and their own lives and well-being as well as the lives and well-being of their friends and family to challenge the farcical legitimacy of the theocratic Iranian state.

It is their courage and bravery, despite many other geopolitical and national security considerations, that can explain the imperative behind the use of military force to keep Iran as far away as possible from obtaining a nuclear umbrella.
With such an umbrella in place, Iran‘s domestic situation would‘ve been reduced to a mere black box for the rest of the world. The predicament of the Iranian people would thus resemble the plight of the North Koreans. Any degree of suppression could be employed by the regime to deal with the resistance from the Iranian people while pro-democratic forces outside Iran would be forced to watch Iran‘s final descend into a country-sized gulag in an utter state of paralysis.

Without a nuclear umbrella, missile or air defenses or strong proxies, like Hezbollah as a deterrent, however, Iran‘s skies are open to US and Israeli efforts, if either of those countries or both should decide to aid an Iranian revolution.

The case of Iran holds promise for a different approach than the traditional regime change strategy. Instead, regime collapse seems like a more viable option. Rather than invading Iran, occupying it and engineering a transition from within as a military administrator, the United States can destabilize the regime enough to effectuate its collapse. In the event of a regime collapse, the responsibility to govern and democratize Iran‘s political system would fall to the Iranian dissidents, 2.000 of whom have been executed just in the last two years to give Iran the national rebirth it so desperately needs and deserves.

Military strikes on internal security forces or installations, the targeted killing or capture of regime officials, or a no fly zone are not the only instruments of power that ought to be weaponized to erode the regime‘s grip on power. A cyber offensive could cut off communications between different loyalist forces inside Iran while digital assistance can ensure open communications among the protesters and with the outside world, in spite of an internet crackdown. Strike funds can be established to paralyze the Iranian economy even further, combined with additional sanctions and maritime interdiction efforts, akin to the quarantine around Venezuela, to stop Iran‘s oil exports, thereby denying the regime its crucial oil revenue.

A new dawn for the Middle East is now in reach for the United States, if this administration proves capable of learning from the failures of past administrations when they met pivotal Iranian protests in 2009 and 2023 with inexcusable inaction, if not indifference.
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Persephonee · 26-30, F
The United States' history in successfully building up another country in the wake of military action (other than their own), is precisely zilch, nothing, and zero...with the possible exception of (West) Germany and that was because they were generally led by people capable of stringing more than one sentence together without lying or screwing up. So I suggest they stay well away from it.
CedricH · 22-25, M
@Persephonee I strongly disagree with your borderline racist and flawed misreading of history.
Persephonee · 26-30, F
@CedricH 🤨
Persephonee · 26-30, F
@Persephonee I'll accept being called flawed but I fail to see how it's borderline racist
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Persephonee · 26-30, F
@CedricH Oh my apologies if that's how what I wrote came across! It was far more that by chance (and less than wholly thoughtless leadership on both sides probably helped, though certainly no one then was perfect any more than now), postwar Germany would seem to be the one time the US didn't completely screw it up. (It occurs to me that South Korea might, alongside Germany, be an example, though it was hardly a delightful and democratic place to live until the 1980s - in both instances as postwar states it suggests that American leadership at the time had the competence to do this kind of thing).

But the long list of American interventions (not least in Iran in the 1950s) is, otherwise, not one of unmitigated success. To say nothing of merrily supporting pretty obnoxious regimes whenever it suited them (Brazil, Chile, the Taliban in the 1980s, spring immediately to mind).
CedricH · 22-25, M
@Persephonee If you meant to say that it was a chance event, then that‘s not a bigoted point of view.

In your first post you referred specifically to regime change brought about by the use of military action so the more indirect interventions in Iran and possibly Brazil are not equal to the level of US effort that usually follows a direct military intervention.

As far as the removal of Mohammad Mossadagh in 1956 is concerned, the decision to back his dismissal was the right course of action. It was appropriate because his rule destabilized Iran and might‘ve created an opening for yet another Soviet invasion, it was justified because Mossadagh, facing domestic and international pressures, displayed more and more authoritarian traits and effectively ruled as an autocrat by decree without the Iranian parliament, the Majles. And finally, the removal was constitutional because the Shah had the legal authority to dismiss his Prime Ministers at will, a prerogative he exercised with the backing of the United States.
Having said that, and despite the noteworthy socio-economic progress of Iran under the Shah, by the 1960s the constitutional monarchy was increasingly being undermined by Reza Pahlavi and transformed into a repressive absolute monarchy. That creeping self-coup should’ve been stopped by Washington, not least because it would’ve prevented the tragic Iranian revolution of 1979.

Just to point out a crucial error in your last post. The US did not back the Taliban regime in the 1990s. On the contrary, it backed the northern alliance made up of Tajik resistance fighters who opposed the Taliban caliphate.
The US supported the Mujaheddin in the 1980s to expel the Soviets who invaded Afghanistan, attempted to spread communism from Kabul to Kandahar and ruthlessly suppressed any opposition to their occupation.
The Mujaheddin were a broad, diverse coalition of insurgents who were only unified by the common goal of defeating the Red Army. After their victory over the USSR, the US lost interest in Afghanistan and civil war broke out between different factions of the former resistance. One of those factions, the Taliban, prevailed until the US removed them from power in 2001. Some of the former Mujaheddin joined the Taliban but that certainly doesn’t mean the US supported the Taliban regime in the 1990s.

It‘s always difficult to define the parameters for the success of an intervention. But let’s just focus on the military regime change efforts by the US that produced at least eventually democratic and stable governance free from tyranny.
Cuba (1898-1930s), Italy (1944), West Germany (1945), Japan (1945), Dominican Republic (1965), Grenada (1983), Panama (1990), Bosnia and Herzegovina (1995), Kosovo (1999), Liberia (2003) and Iraq (2003)

More specifically, the Iranian people and the more non-theocratic elites are cultivated, educated, intelligent and increasingly patriotic as well as secular. Iran has a long history of cohesiveness and constitutionalism. A transition to democracy in Tehran promises a return to Iran‘s pre-revolutionary socio-economic success, if managed diligently by United States.
@CedricH You ignore the business interest aspect of wars...