Neoconservatism can be found in the most unlikely places
It is certainly ironic that the one politician who ran in implicit opposition to neoconservative ideas and policies would unwittingly take it upon himself to rejuvenate and rehabilitate some of the most crucial pillars of neoconservative doctrine.
Proponents of an active and muscular foreign policy, like myself, had a pretty good year. Despite initial worries about US global retrenchment, isolationism, a withdrawal from Nato or a complete abandonment of Ukraine, the American-led world order is still very much intact. No flurry of editorial obituaries will change that fact. As I‘ve outlined in a previous post, the much vaunted advent of multipolarity is nothing but an intellectual mirage. And while the world had been still mostly unipolar back in 2024, it‘s undeniably more unipolar in early 2026 still.
There were valid concerns about a possible political renaissance of non-interventionism back in 2024. Concerns I personally shared. Trump‘s campaign was focused on domestic issues at a time when the world was on fire and in urgent need of increased US engagement. He surrounded himself with vocal critics of traditional US foreign policy such as J.D Vance, Tucker Carlson, Elon Musk, Donald Trump Jr. et al. which is in part why he unfortunately chose not to outflank the Biden administration‘s primary foreign policy issue, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, by striking more hawkish notes as a contrast to the timidity of his political opponent. Instead of assailing the insufficient and cautious support for Ukraine provided by the US at the behest of Biden and Jake Sullivan, Trump promised to bring about something that was beyond his control. Peace.
The overhang of this political decision has been haunting the failing, futile and distracting peace process ever since.
Ukraine notwithstanding, this misguided dovishness hasn’t extended to other pressing geopolitical issues and overall it‘s fair to say that the more hawkish voices in the administration and inside the President‘s own head, seemingly prevailed for now.
The Houthis have been bombed for multiple weeks in a more comprehensive and lethal campaign compared to the previous air strikes that had been launched by the Biden administration. The Iranian nuclear program was taken offline by unprecedented US military actions. The US hasn’t fully withdrawn its forces from any one country yet and US foreign policy involvement all over the world has been stepped up rather than toned down. The US hasn’t formally abrogated any of its treaty obligations either which were, in fact, expanded by executive order to cover Qatar as well. The US government has increased its interest in and scrutiny of geopolitical and domestic dynamics in the South Caucasus, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Gaza, Iran and all over Latin America.
Salafi-jihadist terrorists have been struck in Nigeria, thus expanding ongoing US counter-terrorism operations in Africa.
Congress passed a larger and more efficient defense budget for the next fiscal year which follows a one-off fiscal infusion in the amount of $150 billion to bolster the US military as part of the administration’s signature OBBB legislation.
The regime change effort that is currently in progress in Venezuela is but the most recent and arguably the most eye-opening reminder that the administration hardly intends to give up on an American-led world order.
Many in the US and in allied countries might not like the Trumpian America that has now clearly asserted its global dominance, but with good luck Trumpism will fade one day while the legacy of a strengthened liberal world order in the Middle East and in Latin America might outlive the expiration date of right-wing populism in the United States. It is crucial not to lose sight of the bigger picture and in a world where most allied countries are not willing or able to fully stop the otherwise uncontrolled growth of the geopolitical jungle, it is a relief to see the United States has rediscovered its willingness to take action and progressively overcome its dangerous post-Iraq hangover.
Now is the time to expand this more proactive US approach. The Cuban and Iranian regimes should be advised to put their affairs in order and negotiate just and peaceful transitions to democracy. The Trump administration should finally accept a njet to peace as an answer from the Russian regime and give war a chance by finally equipping Ukraine with the necessary matériel and robust military support to turn the tide across all frontline sectors in Ukraine with the goal of ending the war by decisively defeating Russian expansionism and by liberating Ukraine‘s occupied land and people. In the Middle East, Israel ought to be encouraged and assisted in its likely future efforts to disarm the remnants of both Hamas and Hezbollah through the use of military force, followed by a nation-building effort in Gaza to replace Hamas rule indefinitely.
Finally, the anti-Houthi forces must be re-united and emboldened by the United States to take on the Houthis in a series of offensive operations aimed at the port of Hoddeidah and Sana‘a itself.
Most of these policy prescriptions would’ve seemed far-fetched or implausible before Russia‘s second invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Hamas‘ attack on Israel in 2023 and before the US military actions in both Iran and Venezuela.
However, the geopolitical realties around the world have changed dramatically. It is high time to take advantage of the strategic victories that have been cumulatively amassed over the past few years and use them to sustainably reshape the world order.
Proponents of an active and muscular foreign policy, like myself, had a pretty good year. Despite initial worries about US global retrenchment, isolationism, a withdrawal from Nato or a complete abandonment of Ukraine, the American-led world order is still very much intact. No flurry of editorial obituaries will change that fact. As I‘ve outlined in a previous post, the much vaunted advent of multipolarity is nothing but an intellectual mirage. And while the world had been still mostly unipolar back in 2024, it‘s undeniably more unipolar in early 2026 still.
There were valid concerns about a possible political renaissance of non-interventionism back in 2024. Concerns I personally shared. Trump‘s campaign was focused on domestic issues at a time when the world was on fire and in urgent need of increased US engagement. He surrounded himself with vocal critics of traditional US foreign policy such as J.D Vance, Tucker Carlson, Elon Musk, Donald Trump Jr. et al. which is in part why he unfortunately chose not to outflank the Biden administration‘s primary foreign policy issue, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, by striking more hawkish notes as a contrast to the timidity of his political opponent. Instead of assailing the insufficient and cautious support for Ukraine provided by the US at the behest of Biden and Jake Sullivan, Trump promised to bring about something that was beyond his control. Peace.
The overhang of this political decision has been haunting the failing, futile and distracting peace process ever since.
Ukraine notwithstanding, this misguided dovishness hasn’t extended to other pressing geopolitical issues and overall it‘s fair to say that the more hawkish voices in the administration and inside the President‘s own head, seemingly prevailed for now.
The Houthis have been bombed for multiple weeks in a more comprehensive and lethal campaign compared to the previous air strikes that had been launched by the Biden administration. The Iranian nuclear program was taken offline by unprecedented US military actions. The US hasn’t fully withdrawn its forces from any one country yet and US foreign policy involvement all over the world has been stepped up rather than toned down. The US hasn’t formally abrogated any of its treaty obligations either which were, in fact, expanded by executive order to cover Qatar as well. The US government has increased its interest in and scrutiny of geopolitical and domestic dynamics in the South Caucasus, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Gaza, Iran and all over Latin America.
Salafi-jihadist terrorists have been struck in Nigeria, thus expanding ongoing US counter-terrorism operations in Africa.
Congress passed a larger and more efficient defense budget for the next fiscal year which follows a one-off fiscal infusion in the amount of $150 billion to bolster the US military as part of the administration’s signature OBBB legislation.
The regime change effort that is currently in progress in Venezuela is but the most recent and arguably the most eye-opening reminder that the administration hardly intends to give up on an American-led world order.
Many in the US and in allied countries might not like the Trumpian America that has now clearly asserted its global dominance, but with good luck Trumpism will fade one day while the legacy of a strengthened liberal world order in the Middle East and in Latin America might outlive the expiration date of right-wing populism in the United States. It is crucial not to lose sight of the bigger picture and in a world where most allied countries are not willing or able to fully stop the otherwise uncontrolled growth of the geopolitical jungle, it is a relief to see the United States has rediscovered its willingness to take action and progressively overcome its dangerous post-Iraq hangover.
Now is the time to expand this more proactive US approach. The Cuban and Iranian regimes should be advised to put their affairs in order and negotiate just and peaceful transitions to democracy. The Trump administration should finally accept a njet to peace as an answer from the Russian regime and give war a chance by finally equipping Ukraine with the necessary matériel and robust military support to turn the tide across all frontline sectors in Ukraine with the goal of ending the war by decisively defeating Russian expansionism and by liberating Ukraine‘s occupied land and people. In the Middle East, Israel ought to be encouraged and assisted in its likely future efforts to disarm the remnants of both Hamas and Hezbollah through the use of military force, followed by a nation-building effort in Gaza to replace Hamas rule indefinitely.
Finally, the anti-Houthi forces must be re-united and emboldened by the United States to take on the Houthis in a series of offensive operations aimed at the port of Hoddeidah and Sana‘a itself.
Most of these policy prescriptions would’ve seemed far-fetched or implausible before Russia‘s second invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Hamas‘ attack on Israel in 2023 and before the US military actions in both Iran and Venezuela.
However, the geopolitical realties around the world have changed dramatically. It is high time to take advantage of the strategic victories that have been cumulatively amassed over the past few years and use them to sustainably reshape the world order.
