“In Defense of the Order”
I.
We live in the shadow of fire.
Not hypothetical fire. Not distant war games.
Real fire — in Kyiv, in Sana‘a, in Erbil, in Jerusalem.
And wherever the rule of law gives way to the rule of the strong.
Foreign policy is not a classroom theory. It is a matter of will.
II.
The liberal world order — Pax Americana — was not a gift of balance.
It was an assertion.
It was built not by containment alone, but by confrontation:
Of Nazis, fascists, Soviets, tyrants, and terrorists.
We did not win the Cold War because we were cautious.
We won because we believed that freedom was worth defending — at any cost.
Today, that same order is being challenged by forces no less wicked — and far more brazen.
III.
Some say the real threat is China.
That we should restrain ourselves elsewhere.
That Ukraine is a distraction. That Iran is a regional irritant. That Russia is a spent force.
They are wrong.
What they fail to understand is that China plays the long game — but Russia and Iran are already flipping the board.
They are not challengers to stability. They are destroyers of it.
And if we let them win, we will have signaled — to Beijing, to Pyongyang, to every strongman on earth — that liberal order is nothing but a slogan.
IV.
Let me be clear:
The defense of Ukraine is not about Ukraine.
The fight against Russia is not about territory.
The containment of Iran is not about oil.
It is about whether the 21st century will be ruled by values — or by violence.
V.
We believe in preemption, not paralysis.
In decisive strength, not strategic ambiguity.
In moral clarity, not academic detachment.
We believe the United States is not just a superpower — it is a steward of civilization.
And if that sounds arrogant, it is only because the alternative is surrender.
VI.
We do not apologize for American power.
We apologize only when we fail to use it — in time.
There will be no peace without resolve.
No stability without responsibility.
And no freedom without fire.
So we must meet our enemies not at the gates of New York or Berlin — but at the walls of Kharkiv, and the Kibbutzim, and wherever the line is first crossed.
VII.
This is our burden. This is our duty.
To ensure that those who raise the banner of tyranny are met not with hesitation, but with the full weight of the free world.
We are not passive observers of history.
We are its authors.
We live in the shadow of fire.
Not hypothetical fire. Not distant war games.
Real fire — in Kyiv, in Sana‘a, in Erbil, in Jerusalem.
And wherever the rule of law gives way to the rule of the strong.
Foreign policy is not a classroom theory. It is a matter of will.
II.
The liberal world order — Pax Americana — was not a gift of balance.
It was an assertion.
It was built not by containment alone, but by confrontation:
Of Nazis, fascists, Soviets, tyrants, and terrorists.
We did not win the Cold War because we were cautious.
We won because we believed that freedom was worth defending — at any cost.
Today, that same order is being challenged by forces no less wicked — and far more brazen.
III.
Some say the real threat is China.
That we should restrain ourselves elsewhere.
That Ukraine is a distraction. That Iran is a regional irritant. That Russia is a spent force.
They are wrong.
What they fail to understand is that China plays the long game — but Russia and Iran are already flipping the board.
They are not challengers to stability. They are destroyers of it.
And if we let them win, we will have signaled — to Beijing, to Pyongyang, to every strongman on earth — that liberal order is nothing but a slogan.
IV.
Let me be clear:
The defense of Ukraine is not about Ukraine.
The fight against Russia is not about territory.
The containment of Iran is not about oil.
It is about whether the 21st century will be ruled by values — or by violence.
V.
We believe in preemption, not paralysis.
In decisive strength, not strategic ambiguity.
In moral clarity, not academic detachment.
We believe the United States is not just a superpower — it is a steward of civilization.
And if that sounds arrogant, it is only because the alternative is surrender.
VI.
We do not apologize for American power.
We apologize only when we fail to use it — in time.
There will be no peace without resolve.
No stability without responsibility.
And no freedom without fire.
So we must meet our enemies not at the gates of New York or Berlin — but at the walls of Kharkiv, and the Kibbutzim, and wherever the line is first crossed.
VII.
This is our burden. This is our duty.
To ensure that those who raise the banner of tyranny are met not with hesitation, but with the full weight of the free world.
We are not passive observers of history.
We are its authors.
