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Trump’s Election Meddling Erodes Our Democracy

https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2026/08/20/opinion/trump-election-interference-democracy.html

New York Times
Editorial Board
August-20-2026

The surest sign of democratic collapse is the unwillingness of an elected political party to leave office. The party rewrites laws and changes election rules to prevent its opponents from gaining power. The shift often starts slowly but can ultimately end in autocracy.

President Trump has taken worrisome steps down this path since returning to office in January 2025. He has directed Republican-run states to enact newly gerrymandered maps to increase the chances that Republicans maintain control of Congress even if they receive fewer votes this year. He has tried to pass legislation that could keep many eligible voters from voting. And he has sent signals that he may use the power of the federal government to disallow legitimate ballots this fall. On July 16, Mr. Trump took the remarkable step of giving a prime-time White House address devoted to lies and misleading statements about voter fraud.

The New York Times editorial board is tracking 12 categories of democratic erosion in the United States, based on historical patterns and interviews with experts. Our index places the United States on a scale of 0 to 10 for each category. Zero represents the United States before Mr. Trump began his second term — not perfect, surely, but still a strong democracy. Ten represents the condition in a true autocracy, such as China, Iran and Russia. Based on Mr. Trump’s statements and actions about the 2026 midterms, we are moving our assessment of one of the categories — manipulating the law to stay in power— up one notch, to Level 3:

Together, Mr. Trump’s actions have left constitutional scholars and democracy experts anxious about this year’s midterm elections. They wonder if the Trump administration may use false pretenses to send federal agents to Democratic-leaning areas to intimidate people and suppress voting. Experts are also worried that after the elections, Mr. Trump may pressure legislators not to certify the winners, as he unsuccessfully tried to do after the 2020 presidential election. Even if he does not take these extreme steps, the gerrymandering campaign he has demanded has probably tilted the competition for control of the House of Representatives at least 2.5 percentage points in Republicans’ direction.

It remains unclear how far Mr. Trump will go this fall. He does often make statements that amount to little. But his extended attempt to overturn the 2020 presidential election should make clear that the threat is real. He has demonstrated that he prioritizes his own interests over the national interest. He is often willing to defy bipartisan traditions and even act illegally.

Politicians from both major parties and federal judges should be prepared to push back forcefully against any attempt he and his allies make to interfere with the 2026 elections. If the president succeeds in perverting the results, he will be emboldened to take similarly unconstitutional steps in 2028.

This editorial is our fourth version of the autocracy index, which we first published in October 2025. The updated version includes chronological lists of the antidemocratic steps Mr. Trump has taken in all 12 categories, and we plan to update them again in the months ahead.

Background and methodology: The clearest sign that a democracy has died is that a leader and his party make it impossible for their opponents to win an election and hold power. Once that stage is reached, however, the change is extremely difficult to reverse.

Manipulating the law to stay in power
Stifling speech and dissent
Persecuting political opponents
Bypassing the legislature
Using the military at home
Defying the courts
Declaring false emergencies
Vilifying marginalized groups
Controlling information
Trying to take over universities
Creating a cult of personality
Using power for personal profit


The 12 benchmarks in this editorial offer a way to understand how much Mr. Trump is eroding American democracy. The categories are based on interviews with legal scholars, political scientists, historians and other democracy experts. The ratings come from the New York Times editorial board. In our 0-to-10 scales, zero represents roughly where the United States, flawed though it was, had been under presidents of both parties prior to Mr. Trump. Ten represents the condition in a true authoritarian state. Moving even one notch toward autocracy is a worrisome sign.

We first published the index in October. This version is the fourth. We plan to publish updates as events warrant.
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Ontheroad · M
Yep, every day and with every breath he takes.
The index format makes the pattern easier to see rather than treating each move as an isolated event. Because it is NOT.

NYT’s core point is simple: democracies don’t usually die in one dramatic moment. They erode when incumbents make it structurally harder for their opponents to win.

The question is: what can be done about this before it is too late?
@Northwest
I couldn’t bring myself to do my usual non-stop reading with this book. It is just so upsetting to learn about some of the things that don’t make it to mainstream media.

📖 I’d highly recommend it, though.

Why I mentioned this book here:
Some of the details mentioned in that NYT report and analysis were covered in that book.
@Northwest
The book’s description specifically highlights several themes that closely align with the 12 categories identified in the New York Times editorial:

* Trump’s second term operating with fewer internal restraints.
* His administration’s challenges to judicial authority and congressional checks.
* The use of the Justice Department against political opponents.
* National Guard deployments and confrontations with protesters.
* The expanded use of executive power and emergency authorities.
* Trump’s personal approach to power, revenge, loyalty, and profit.
* The internal deliberations of officials who attempted—or failed—to restrain him.

Overlap:
These themes directly overlap with several of the editorial’s 12 categories, particularly:

* Bypassing the legislature.
* Defying the courts.
* Persecuting political opponents.
* Using the military at home.
* Declaring false or questionable emergencies.
* Using presidential power for personal profit.
* Cultivating a cult of personality.

The book’s reported examination of whether Trump might invoke extraordinary powers, including the Insurrection Act, is also relevant to the editorial’s concern that federal power could potentially be deployed around the 2026 elections under questionable or pretextual grounds.

In other words, the overlap is not simply thematic. Both the book and the editorial focus on the same broader question:

what happens when executive power expands while the institutional checks designed to restrain it become weaker?

I’ll leave this discussion here — with a question more than an answer.

Hopefully we all find out the answers and solutions before it is too late.
Northwest · M
@CookieCrumbs Great analysis. To be expected given that Haberman and Swan write for the NYT.

what happens when executive power expands while the institutional checks designed to restrain it become weaker?

The book answers that, and common sense really, we slide into authoritarianism, communism's twin. Or what MAGA made us into.

 
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