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DICTATORS FOLLOW THE SAME PLAYBOOK

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I agree with Mr. Taylor's article - here's why (comments please)
I disagree with Mr. Taylor's article - here's why (comments please)
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I'm posting this re-write as an eye-opener to those who refuse to look into the light. You may take that either way, but if you do a bit of research into the references that Mr. Taylor has quoted (and not just hide behind your own closed eyes), you may wake up refreshed!
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Sunday October 26, 2025,



Autocrats and dictators follow a similar playbook – even if they themselves don’t realize what they’re doing. The Assads in Syria, Erdogan in Turkey, Putin in Russia, Modi in India, and you-know-who in America – all rode a similar path to power.

Ruth Ben-Ghiat is a world expert on the "strongman" playbook employed by authoritarian demagogues. A professor of history at New York University, her book Strongmen: From Mussolini to the Present, came out in 2020 – unfortunately before she could include Donald Trump’s second presidency in the prevailing pattern.

In addition to Hitler and Mussolini, Ben-Ghiat examined Vladimir Putin, Mobutu Sese Seko, Augusto Pinochet, Muammar Gaddafi, Silvio Berlusconi, and Donald Trump’s first presidency.

Hitler is probably the most notable example of the Authoritarian Playbook -- a term coined by Project Democracy -- although I’m personally loath to cite Hitler as an example. Godwin’s Law, stated as a mathematical probability in 1990, asserts (roughly) that the longer any acrimonious debate goes on, the greater the likelihood that Hitler will be cited as a conclusive argument. A corollary, common in newsgroups and Internet discussion forums, contends that a Nazi or Hitler comparison automatically ends the thread. Whoever made the comparison loses.



Distinctive patterns
So let’s ignore Hitler for the moment, and get back to the research done by Ben-Ghiat and others, such as UBC’s Leanne ten Brink, which suggests a series of basic principles for wannabe dictators.

First, modern dictators use existing political systems to gain power. (In this, they differ from Genghis Khan and his ilk who simply used military might.)

· Then, having gained power, they demonize a minority.

· They politicize formerly independent institutions.

· They spread disinformation.

· They seize executive power, weakening checks and balances.

· They squash criticism or dissent.

· They scapegoat already vulnerable communities.

· They corrupt the election process.

· They encourage violence against a loosely labelled opposition.

Does any of that sound familiar? It should, because that pattern seems so universal that I suspect any historian could find parallels among the many dictators who preceded the modern age.



Disturbed personalities
Ben-Ghiat defines the tactics of authoritarian rulers as self-proclaimed saviors of a nation who evade accountability while robbing their people of truth, treasure, and civil protections. Her “strong men” promise law and order, then legitimize lawbreaking by financial, sexual, and other predators.

They typically use masculinity as a symbol of strength and as a political weapon. Taking what you want, and getting away with it, becomes proof of male authority.

UBC professor Leeanne ten Brinke has similarly studied “strong men.” She describes them as “dark personalities” – a term psychologists use to encompass psychopathy, narcissism, sadism, and Machiavellian manipulativeness. She calls these the “Dark Tetrad” of personality traits.

“Dark Tetrads usually appear together,” ten Brinke was quoted in a UBC Alumni publication. “People who score high on one often have high scores on all four.”

Dark personalities tend to strive for positions of power, and often obtain that power through lies, manipulation, and intimidation.



Sitting ducks
Ten Brinke wonders why people fall for these tactics. One possible answer, she suggests, is that humans are naturally trusting. We tend not to tell lies. Or to intentionally persecute or denigrate other people. And we expect the same from other humans.

“We’re sitting ducks,” ten Brink says.

Much depends on our own attitudes, she adds: “Where one voter sees impulsivity, ruthlessness, and deceit, others may see decisiveness, strength, and cunning.”

That difference in perception probably accounts for Donald Trump’s continued popularity among certain segments of the American population. It can’t be just based on his economic performance. Which -- as Ben-Ghiat and ten Brinke have both documented -- has been dismal.

The European Journal of Political Economy published a study, last year, showing that countries around the world run by dictators or autocrats have weaker economies than democratic countries – even though the dictators consistently falsify statistics to make themselves look good.

This is a depressing prospect. Because very few dictators have been removed from office by peaceful means; most are deposed by an internal coup, an armed rebellion, external intervention, or death. They are rarely voted out, because that would require the dictator to acknowledge voters as a superior power.

But they can be de-throned, and have been.

Amid the pessimism about dictators and autocrats generally, Ben-Ghiat recounts acts of solidarity and dignity that have undone strongmen over the past 100 years. In her view, only by seeing the strongman for what he is — and by valuing each other as the Strongman is unable to do — can we stop him, now and in the future. To keep alive the virtues of decency and honesty, so that they can flower again once the dictator is gone.

I can only hope…

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Copyright © 2025 by Jim Taylor. Non-profit use in congregations and study groups encouraged; links from other blogs welcomed; all other rights reserved.
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i asked ai what it thought of that.....

The article presents a simplistic and somewhat alarmist view of authoritarianism, suggesting that a "playbook" of tactics is universally followed by autocrats. While this perspective offers a convenient framework, it oversimplifies the complex and varied nature of authoritarian regimes. Each dictator and strongman has unique characteristics and contexts that shape their rise to power and methods of governance.

Ruth Ben-Ghiat's work, while insightful, risks painting all authoritarian leaders with the same brush, which can be misleading. For instance, the article mentions figures like Putin, Erdogan, and Modi, but their paths to power and methods of maintaining control are distinct. Putin's rise was closely tied to his role in the KGB and the collapse of the Soviet Union, while Erdogan's trajectory involved a more gradual erosion of democratic institutions within a functioning democracy. Modi, on the other hand, came to power through democratic elections and has used a mix of populism and Hindu nationalism to consolidate his authority.

Furthermore, the article's reliance on the "Dark Tetrad" of personality traits—psychopathy, narcissism, sadism, and Machiavellianism—suggests that these traits are necessary for authoritarian rule. However, this ignores the fact that many effective leaders throughout history, both democratic and authoritarian, have exhibited these traits to varying degrees. It also overlooks the role of systemic factors, such as economic instability, social polarization, and institutional weaknesses, which often provide the fertile ground for authoritarianism to take root.

The article's assertion that authoritarian regimes have weaker economies is also problematic. While it's true that some autocratic regimes struggle economically, others, like Singapore under Lee Kuan Yew, have achieved remarkable economic success. The economic performance of a country is influenced by a multitude of factors, including natural resources, global economic conditions, and the specific policies implemented by the regime.

Finally, the article's tone implies that democracy is always the solution and that authoritarianism is inherently detrimental. While this is often the case, it's important to acknowledge that some societies have experienced periods of stability and development under authoritarian rule. The key is not to demonize all forms of authoritarianism but to understand the specific contexts and consequences of each regime.

In conclusion, while the article provides a useful starting point for discussing authoritarianism, it would benefit from a more nuanced and context-specific analysis that recognizes the diversity of authoritarian experiences and the complex interplay of individual and systemic factors that contribute to their rise and maintenance.
JollyRoger · 70-79, M
@CookieCrisp And what's your opinion? AI does overlook that some people retain influential positions through their hard work (like Lee Kuan Yew)...and so they do get re-elected. Our recently retired mayor held office for 30 years and did a wonderful job. All long tenures are not despotic. Another example of a non-despotic dictator was Fidel Castro who did not rise to power through Machiavellian schemes nor did he repress his citizenry.... He just had a hell of a hard time fighting against American sanctions simply because he kicked out the despotic and US supported Batista regime and tried to create equality for all Cubans through communism (so anti-American that it creates fear just by saying it in public in the USA).
However the AI does present interesting points.
I'm not sure sure exactly who or what I'm agreeing to since your quote of Taylor doesn't really give specifics as to what these acts of solidarity and dignity might be.

I certainly agree that Trump would score high as a DT personality, but any attempt to compare Trump to strongmen dictator types seems iffy because 1) he's ancient; 2) he's not really ever been competent or even interested in long term stuff, as opposed to short term cons and fraud schemes.

I get that Trump could be succeeded by a more serious and competent autocratic ruler, but that's only one possible outcome, and I dont see it as either inevitable or as intended by most of those supporting him and the destruction he's causing.

The people actually working him, for example, are likely seeing him as a relatively short term opportunity to profit rather than expecting that a society run openly by DT principles can survive in the long run.
JollyRoger · 70-79, M
@MistyCee No problem, Misty. Your comments suit my purposes. Thank you for your illumination.
I was letting people decide which 'light' they are avoiding. I don't think you are avoiding.
What a coincidence. People entrenched in our system rale and rant against strong-man types and offer no leadership we when it counts. I think the article is misleading.
JollyRoger · 70-79, M
@Roundandroundwego OK... I give up..... You win!
@JollyRoger nothing like a logical response? Isolate, bully and ignore but never engage with issues. It's fairly fatal but I do SO hate the West!!!
JollyRoger · 70-79, M
@Roundandroundwego I'm sure you're loved somewhere. However, since we can't communicate on any level, I'm simply blocking you to avoid having to try to decipher your nonsense in further discussions.
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wrule · F
Very true. Lies and propaganda with fake news and demonizing minorities.

 
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