With a Chest-thumping, Bombastic Speech, Netanyahu Ends Hope for a Hostage Deal
Haaretz
Yossi Verter
Sep 3, 2024 5:08 pm IDT
Three Israeli news channels opened their Monday evening broadcasts with heartbreaking reports on the funeral of murdered hostage Hersh Goldberg-Polin in Jerusalem. Immediately afterward, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu convened a rare press conference. To his credit, it can be said that his appearance was better than expected, effective for a certain audience, and less pompous than ones before it. He also asked for forgiveness from the families of the six murdered hostages, which he has never done before.
But the bottom line of his appearance was no less terrifying and heartbreaking for this. He put an end to the hope beating in the hearts of most Israelis that the hostage deal currently on the table would finally be signed. He eloquently, analytically explained to the hostage families, and perhaps also to the hostages themselves (those who heard), not to count on his giving up the Philadelphi route, promising to punish Hamas for murdering the six hostages. Instead of considering how to prevent the murder of the remaining hostages, he ranted, puffed his chest and winked as if to say: Wait and see what happens next.
He was back in his element with a presentation, a map, a pointer. He described the contentious Philadephi issue as if he were a security commentator in a basic strategy class at university, not the prime minister for the past 15 years. The lies, spin and manipulation of the facts was boundless. He demanded unity when just a few hours earlier he had accused the chairman of the Histadrut labor federation, who had called for a general strike in protest of the hostages' deaths, of aiding Hamas and its leader Yahya Sinwar.
He voided the position held by Israel's defense establishment that remaining in the Philadephi route is not essential (and repeated himself on the subject), after ignoring officials' clear warning about pending war weeks before the October 7 massacre, and – a year earlier – ridiculing warnings from Military Intelligence about Hamas' intentions.
His briefing left out some small details: His years-long support for Hamas vis-a-vis his attempts to weaken and crush the Palestinian Authority, which fights terrorism in the West Bank; the billions of shekels funneled to Gaza which were used to build tunnels and buy arms; his stubborn refusal to kill Sinwar and his refusal to capture the Philadephi route during Israel's Operation Protective Edge in 2014, against the wishes of then-minister Naftali Bennett.
As a pathologically mendacious leader who believes his lies, Netanyahu did not blink when he repeated the falsehood that he opposed the 2005 disengagement from Gaza, which he supported until a week before its implementation. He pulled out some unidentifiable note which he claimed was written by senior Hamas officials and which details a plan to pressure the defense minister and the news channels.
This dubious document had already been reported on in January by Israeli journalist Amit Segal. To date, no defense official knows who was behind it or can verify its authenticity. Why did the prime minister bring it out again? Because it supposedly implies that Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and news media are abetting Hamas and are agents of deceit.
His flood of words confused October 7 with October 9. We can only imagine what the Bibi-ists would have done to former Prime Ministers Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, or former Defense Minister Benny Gantz, if the roles were switched. They would likely have built guillotines outside their homes. How is it possible to get this date wrong? Who won't remember it 50 or 100 years from now? A bit soon to forget, no?
Netanyahu detailed every inch of the map in his attempt to persuade us that the Philadephi route is the cornerstone of regional security, after having said nothing about it for eight months. He hesitated for months to enter southern Gaza at all. It was in July, after his mask of smears and self-initiated countermeasures in cease-fire and hostage release negotiations with Hamas were laid bare, that he suddenly discovered the Holy Grail of Philadelphi.
After a long, calm opening to his speech, Netanyahu's megalomania and narcissism burst forth. In response to the question, "So why did you reduce the forces in the Philadephi route?" he offered a smug answer that began with "I was in the army" and then moved to questioning the reporter's military past. A moment for witty jokes. What was the original question again? In response to the blame directed at him by the Danino family, whose 25-year-old son, Ori, was among the six murdered hostages, he deflected with, "I am also part of a bereaved family," and added, "I understand their pain. It's unimaginable for others, but not for me." I, I, I.
And there was another "I," the most infuriating "I" of them all: "I'm number one" (in releasing hostages). "I was even wounded" (mentioning for the hundredth time the minor injury he received when a bullet passed through the body of a terrorist and hit his arm). "My way in the matter – of firmness and pressure – is the right one." How is it right? How?
Twenty-seven hostages have been murdered in Gaza or killed in Israeli army operations. How, for God's sake, can he claim that his modus operandi is working for the good of the hostages? How many must die before something hits his delusional head and lying tongue? Fifty? Seventy? Perhaps all of them.
Yossi Verter
Sep 3, 2024 5:08 pm IDT
Three Israeli news channels opened their Monday evening broadcasts with heartbreaking reports on the funeral of murdered hostage Hersh Goldberg-Polin in Jerusalem. Immediately afterward, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu convened a rare press conference. To his credit, it can be said that his appearance was better than expected, effective for a certain audience, and less pompous than ones before it. He also asked for forgiveness from the families of the six murdered hostages, which he has never done before.
But the bottom line of his appearance was no less terrifying and heartbreaking for this. He put an end to the hope beating in the hearts of most Israelis that the hostage deal currently on the table would finally be signed. He eloquently, analytically explained to the hostage families, and perhaps also to the hostages themselves (those who heard), not to count on his giving up the Philadelphi route, promising to punish Hamas for murdering the six hostages. Instead of considering how to prevent the murder of the remaining hostages, he ranted, puffed his chest and winked as if to say: Wait and see what happens next.
He was back in his element with a presentation, a map, a pointer. He described the contentious Philadephi issue as if he were a security commentator in a basic strategy class at university, not the prime minister for the past 15 years. The lies, spin and manipulation of the facts was boundless. He demanded unity when just a few hours earlier he had accused the chairman of the Histadrut labor federation, who had called for a general strike in protest of the hostages' deaths, of aiding Hamas and its leader Yahya Sinwar.
He voided the position held by Israel's defense establishment that remaining in the Philadephi route is not essential (and repeated himself on the subject), after ignoring officials' clear warning about pending war weeks before the October 7 massacre, and – a year earlier – ridiculing warnings from Military Intelligence about Hamas' intentions.
His briefing left out some small details: His years-long support for Hamas vis-a-vis his attempts to weaken and crush the Palestinian Authority, which fights terrorism in the West Bank; the billions of shekels funneled to Gaza which were used to build tunnels and buy arms; his stubborn refusal to kill Sinwar and his refusal to capture the Philadephi route during Israel's Operation Protective Edge in 2014, against the wishes of then-minister Naftali Bennett.
As a pathologically mendacious leader who believes his lies, Netanyahu did not blink when he repeated the falsehood that he opposed the 2005 disengagement from Gaza, which he supported until a week before its implementation. He pulled out some unidentifiable note which he claimed was written by senior Hamas officials and which details a plan to pressure the defense minister and the news channels.
This dubious document had already been reported on in January by Israeli journalist Amit Segal. To date, no defense official knows who was behind it or can verify its authenticity. Why did the prime minister bring it out again? Because it supposedly implies that Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and news media are abetting Hamas and are agents of deceit.
His flood of words confused October 7 with October 9. We can only imagine what the Bibi-ists would have done to former Prime Ministers Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, or former Defense Minister Benny Gantz, if the roles were switched. They would likely have built guillotines outside their homes. How is it possible to get this date wrong? Who won't remember it 50 or 100 years from now? A bit soon to forget, no?
Netanyahu detailed every inch of the map in his attempt to persuade us that the Philadephi route is the cornerstone of regional security, after having said nothing about it for eight months. He hesitated for months to enter southern Gaza at all. It was in July, after his mask of smears and self-initiated countermeasures in cease-fire and hostage release negotiations with Hamas were laid bare, that he suddenly discovered the Holy Grail of Philadelphi.
After a long, calm opening to his speech, Netanyahu's megalomania and narcissism burst forth. In response to the question, "So why did you reduce the forces in the Philadephi route?" he offered a smug answer that began with "I was in the army" and then moved to questioning the reporter's military past. A moment for witty jokes. What was the original question again? In response to the blame directed at him by the Danino family, whose 25-year-old son, Ori, was among the six murdered hostages, he deflected with, "I am also part of a bereaved family," and added, "I understand their pain. It's unimaginable for others, but not for me." I, I, I.
And there was another "I," the most infuriating "I" of them all: "I'm number one" (in releasing hostages). "I was even wounded" (mentioning for the hundredth time the minor injury he received when a bullet passed through the body of a terrorist and hit his arm). "My way in the matter – of firmness and pressure – is the right one." How is it right? How?
Twenty-seven hostages have been murdered in Gaza or killed in Israeli army operations. How, for God's sake, can he claim that his modus operandi is working for the good of the hostages? How many must die before something hits his delusional head and lying tongue? Fifty? Seventy? Perhaps all of them.
